The case study in this article shows that the British Labour Party acts more imperialistically than the British Conservative Party ever contemplated to do. This is due to the fact that one never expects the British Labour Party to act so imperialistically, however the British Conservative Party behaving in an imperialistic manner would not be surprising. In any case, as the case study in the article shows, it can be seen that from the Second World War until the present beginning of the twenty-first century, how overtly the British Labour Party has behaved in an imperialistic mode. Although the British are not a super-power, or a first rate power, nonetheless, the British Labour Party, which is the subject of this study, has the tendency to be imperialistic. An example in this respect can be given with the fact that it uses humanitarian aid as a means of international diplomacy, even today. The article has greatly expanded and amplified on this matter.

Continued strength on the part of the state and relative weakness and political dependence on the part of society have so far proven insurmountable obstacles to democratization in the Middle East. Consequently, none of the three broad patterns of democratization—democratization through civil society, through the deliberate retreat of authoritarian leaders, and because of the emergence of fissures within the once-cohesive ruling elite—have appeared in the region on a wide scale, with the possible exceptions of Turkey and Lebanon. In Iran, during the first term in office of President Khatami, it appeared that the state’s lack of institutional and ideological cohesion would usher in a democratization process. Such was not the case, however, and the cracks within the ruling establishment appear to have disappeared with the election to the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Nevertheless, if the new President makes good on his campaign promises of facilitating economic growth and development, and by doing so enhances the economic position and independence of the middle classes, he may unwittingly pave the way for turning them into agents of democratization by prompting them to demand greater economic and political accountability and representation.

The major distinction of today’s world is that both subjects of equality and divergence should be considered. In other words, the principles and rules of human rights should appear with the diversity and extension of the cultures, values, and beliefs of nations that are members of the United Nations. This study is discussing the question of how could we universalize the basic human rights rules with respect to national and ancient cultural beliefs of each nation? The writer is testing this hypothesis by using the international human right conventions, the rights of reservation by other countries on these, the individual country’s interpretations of human rights, and cultural relativity and theoretical and academic discussions on human rights. All cultures and countries have the bases for the expansion and universality of international human rights rules. For this purpose, the perspective of North and South countries has been taken under consideration and the universality of human rights generations are examined and criticized.

The current of Islamic radicalism in the Arab World has been unable to attain its most important goal despite many years of serious and constant struggles: the establishment of Islamic government. In this article, the author examines the causes of this failure, considering the experiences of Egypt. While most experts on Islamism have focused upon the adoption of a policy of continued suppression by the Egyptian government and huge Western support for the country’s political elites and have viewed these two variables as influential in the failure of the current in question, the author proposes a different hypothesis. On this basis, although the role the aforementioned factors play in this regard cannot be denied, ambiguities and simplifications towards the political and social questions found in the radical Islamists’ thoughts have been introduced as two significant factors explaining their failure. In this respect, the thoughts and opinions of Seyed Qutb and Mohammad Abdussalam Faraj who are among the most salient theoreticians in this current have been studied and analyzed

In spite of the increasing number of internal and international actors, the state has always played a crucial and central role in the international arena. This has resulted in the establishment of an international system in five historical periods. In all these periods, the needs of the international actors have been the determining factors of policies and activities in each period. For this purpose, the practice of peace and cooperation for any other purpose requires power. Without employing power, the path towards peace and cooperation will be restricted. The author tests the hypothesis that the good intentions and humanitarian structures of decision making are not adequate in the international system and in order to achieve the democratic and sacred ideals of cooperation, we need the accumulation of power. In this same area, the fall of great powers, the theoretical issues in international interactions, and the punishment and persuasion options will be taken under consideration.