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International Studies Journal
Vol. 4, No. 13 Summer 2007
Abstracts


What We Learned from the Construction of Human Rights Council
Pr. Mehdi Zakerian
13 Int'l Stud. J. 1

Based on the recommendations of the Secretary General’s Panel of Eminent Persons, the United Nations has recently introduced changes to the Human Rights Commission. In the long term, it has considered upgrading the commission to become a Human Rights Council. This paper offers a critique of this structural reform, arguing that limited reform of the institution cannot move forward without making the human rights system perform effectively. The argument proceeds that to strengthen this body requires a collaborative process to rebuild the capacity and deploy and manage human rights, collectively. In this context an interdisciplinary approach is used to discuss the report of the Secretary General’s High-Level Panel: A More Secure World, Kofi Annan’s report: In a Larger Freedom, and The 2005 World Summit Outcome together. The author provides an analysis of the issues relating to this change such as membership and structure and some challenges could be a threat for human rights protection and promotion in our world. The author brings a unique Iranian approach to these pressing issues in the areas of human rights and UN reform and offers a critique from the perspective of the global South.
La Pensée Repulicaine en Iran
Pr. Ahmad Naghibzadeh
13 Int'l Stud. J. 33

Si L’Europe peut se référer à la Grèce antique pour la démocratie et à Rome antique pour l’idée républicaine, on ne trouve rien de ce genre dans l’histoire de l’Orient en générale et dans histoire de l’Iran en particulière. Cependant autant qu’un iranien je refuse l’idée de despotisme orientale inventée par Montesquieu et développée par Marx et Witfogel, dans l’histoire d’Iran sauf pour la partie post-islamiste où les Turco-mongoles régnaient en despote plénitude. Sinon les rois perses, de Hacamènide à la fin des Sassanides éclatés par l’invasion arabe dans les années 630, se désignaient par une assemblée des nobles et de la famille royale, devant respecter des règles morales, religieuse et coutumières, jouissant en générale d’un pouvoir charismatique qui selon Max Weber constitue une de trois sortes de pouvoir légitime. Si bien que les ouvriers autochtone et étrangers qui s’employaient dans la construction de la Persépolis ont été correctement payés et pays conquis étaient libres en ce qui concernait leur religion et leurs coutumes. En plus Cyrus le grand fondateur de la dynastie Hacamènide a été également le fondateur du premier chartre de Droit de l’homme, et loin de tout despotisme il était et est considéré comme un prophète par certains historiens. A l’époque des Achkanides, la dynastie qui s’est formé juste après le 70 ans de règne des Grecs, sous l’influence de la culture hellénique ou autre il existait une assemblée élue qui s’appelait «Mahéstan» (des grands) et le pays s’administrait d’une façon fédérale. Toutes ces idées se perdent sous l’influence des termes comme umma et le communautarisme islamique.

The Islamic Doctrine of Peace and War
Pr. Elfaith Adullahi Alsalam
13 Int'l Stud. J. 43

The primary orientation of Islam is towards peace, not war. Islam considers war as an exception, not the rule in Islam. This principled orientation stands in sharp contrast to the many stereotyped opinions in the West portraying Islam as the most warlike of all religions, particularly following the attacks on the World Trade Centre in September of 2001. The methodology used in this research is analytical. Its frame of reference is to go to the Qur’an and Sunnah looking for legal injunctions. It also capitalizes on the historical experiences of the Islamic states across history; the purpose being to study the behavior of the Islamic state during times of peace and war. The researcher’s major thrust is the discussion of the concept of war in Islam. The paper tries to refute the Islamic classical doctrine of war developed during the Abbasid period as time and space bound, and that its claim to universality is flawed. When war becomes inevitable, like for instance in the case of repulsing aggression, Islam is endowed with moderation and wisdom. Precise restrictions are imposed concerning the manner of carrying out military operations, how to treat enemy military personnel, and noncombatants. The second important focus of the paper is the Islamic doctrine of peace. If Islam abhors war, the Shari’ah considers the cultivation of amicable relations with non-Islamic states as duty of the Muslim states. To actualize that end, the Shari’ah designates four major mechanisms for the maintenance of peace and order among nations. These instruments are: negotiations, treaty-making, exchange of emissaries’ missions, and trade and economic transactions. The research concludes by emphasizing the particular nature of Islamic war: that it is just in its causes, defensive in its initiative, decent in its proceeding, and pacific in its end. Islam rejects offensive war and scrupulously encourages its antithesis, namely peace.
The Vital Center and Unipolar Models:
The Trend and Challenges of both Liberalism and Neoconservatism

Pr. Hossein Daheshiar
13 Int'l Stud. J. 75

Two different ideas in general were dominating the United States foreign policy. The nature of the independent states system along side with the approach that has been adopted by U.S.A, has established this ideas. The experience of growing up of communism and the Soviet utopia along with identification of official liberalism to endure power has been reshaped by the hope of the “Vital Center” mode. Arthur Schlesinger, saw the intellectual framework of American politics in terms of this model. And also Charles Krauthammer is a defender of the “Unipolar World” and has articulated the new type of an American foreign policy, in this way.
Navigating the Critique of National and International Security
Pr. Abdolali Ghavam
13 Int'l Stud. J. 105

This paper states with an effort to bring some clarity to the basic assumptions underlying the new security agenda: a more comprehensive concept of security on that tackles new and old threats. The author’s argument for security today rest on two basic pillars: traditional security threats including interstate rivalry and the use of force, the new and non-traditional threats like economic human right military and environmental issues. While sources of instability are many the analysis starts with problem of economic security first, from the perspective of Mercantilism. He underscores the fact that how economic activity of a state could effect the international security and how in the age of modern global economy, the extraordinary mutual connectedness of states on economic issue could decrease their independence and freedom of choice. (The two concepts of vulnerability and resilience). In reviewing new threats he cites the environmental concerns factored into security. He believes that the central challenge for the time being is to fashion a new understanding of security and what sovereignty means. He finally examines the matter of development civil society and human rights. In conclusion, he reaffirms the responsibility of states in respecting regulating and monitoring international obligations.

Rentier States and the Consequences
Pr. Abolghassem Taheri
13 Int'l Stud. J. 123

This article attempts to analyze the concepts of “Rent” and its effect on different parts of a state’s political, economic and social affairs. The author presents the negative aspects of mob politics and rentier states. In this regard it is assumed that rentier states could challenge democracy. So it is verified that state relations with their societies could be very vulnerable in a rentier atmosphere. Economic development and political progress will be stopped in a rentier state. The rent could come by some mineral investment similar to petrol and gas which could address issues like immigration, poverty, and addiction.

Middle East and New Terrorism
Pr. Keyhan Barzegar
13 Int'l Stud. J. 147

This research attempts to find the main roots of terrorism which could be found in the context of interventions by foreign countries in the Middle East. After the events of September 11, combat with terrorism became one of most important issues in international affairs. As it is assumed that the roots of this new terrorism in the form of Al-Qaeda could be found in Middle East, the best understanding of regional questions and its effects could help us to have a good image of the construction of terrorism. The main idea of the author is that the big-power policies and methods toward Middle Eastern countries is one of the important reasons for the construction of international terrorism. The main idea of this research is that to resolve the question of terrorism we must pay more attention to the cultural issues of the region and to diminish the role of foreign powers in the region.

The Neo Conservative Pragmatist Approach
in the U.S. Foreign Policy

Pr. Hossein Harsij & Mojtaba Toisserkani
13 Int'l Stud. J. 165

By reviewing the history of political thoughts, any thought in practice may be different from its theory formulation. Neoconservative is among theories that the gap between theory and practice is clear to the extent that one of its main principles, that is, status que, has been challenged by its contenders. Therefore, it is necessary to look at carefully to this school of thought in order to understand real principles, objectives, and means of American neoconservatives. A better understanding of this stream of theory and practice assist us to predict their future behaviors in the current US foreign policy, and prepare suitable means to encounter negative consequences of their objectives. To this end, this article aims at examining theoretical and practical aspects of neoconservatives by looking at their past attitudes. For this purpose, this study describes and explains Bush administration policies in the international level, and in particular, examines neoconservative status towards three subjects of religion, global Zionism, and a quarrel between good and evil, due to the fact that these issues are the main justifications for nominating neoconservatives as fundamentalists. Findings of this study demonstrate that neoconservatives of the white house have been applied practical standards more than theoretical values in reality.

 

 
 

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